Author: Charlie Lord

Symbolism is no substitute for constitutional generosity

Today the Commonwealth consists of 56 member states, 36 of them are Republics.

In the wake of Brexit, talk of constitutional change in Ireland has gathered attention and momentum. One question that occasionally surfaces in these conversations is whether Ireland should join the Commonwealth.

The suggestion often comes from a place of goodwill — the idea that joining might serve as a conciliatory gesture to Unionists, signaling a spirit of inclusion in any new all-island arrangement.  Constitutional change would be a political paradigm shift.  Northern Ireland would be leaving the United Kingdom to join a United Ireland, and Northern Ireland would also be leaving the UK and joining the EU.  In such transformational circumstances it may not be unreasonable for Ireland to concurrently join the Commonwealth in an effort to ease Unionist concerns.  Imagine if Northern Ireland was to leave the UK but shortly thereafter Ireland joins the Commonwealth in a spirit of generosity & reconciliation.  Quid pro quo. In a well managed & sequenced process this could potentially carry a positive political and social impact in Northern Ireland.

While the sentiment is laudable, the idea itself may not be deliverable, or necessary.

The Limits of What’s Politically Feasible

Irish nationalism should, without doubt, address Unionist concerns with generosity. But there are boundaries to what can realistically be delivered.

Research and polling has shown that issues such as changing the Irish flag or national anthem would be politically difficult and risks splitting the nationalist base. Joining the Commonwealth could fall into the same category — a step too far for many, carrying more symbolic risk than practical reward.

What Unionists Actually Want

Interestingly, research also indicates that Unionists themselves are not calling for Ireland to join the Commonwealth. The ARINS Project found that what matters most to Unionists in any future constitutional arrangement is the ability to retain British citizenship and access to the NHS.

Joining the Commonwealth, by contrast, offers little tangible benefit to Unionists and harbours potential pitfalls for Nationalists. It may even distract from the issues that really matter to all those most directly affected by unification.

The Good Friday Agreement Provides a Framework

The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) already provides clear guidance on citizenship. It allows those born in Northern Ireland to be British, Irish, or both, and to hold corresponding passports.

Here I must be clear, be in no doubt, that provision of the GFA will endure after unification. Those who choose to do so, will retain their “British-Only” identity & their British citizenship — and thus their connection to the Commonwealth — regardless of Ireland’s Commonwealth status or future Unitary status.

In practical terms, Unionists are part of the Commonwealth before, during, and after unification.  By virtue of their British citizenship they never left the Commonwealth, even if Ireland is united.  Membership of the Commonwealth is based on citizenship, not country of residence.  Consequently, there is no need for Ireland, as a Nation, to consider joining the Commonwealth.  This reality around citizenship should be recognized and codified in both Irish and British law. The British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference would be the appropriate forum to formalize such an understanding.

The Risk of Division Within Nationalism

For Irish nationalism, the question of joining the Commonwealth carries significant internal risk. It could divide nationalist voters, parties, and organisations at precisely the moment when unity of purpose is essential.

Moreover, nationalists must remain alert to the possibility that some symbolic “asks” from Unionism — such as changes to flags, anthems, or Commonwealth membership — could be merely political tactics designed to slow the process or fracture the pro-unity base.

A pragmatic approach – perhaps using the “Devolution Model” during a transitional phase – to manage sensitive identity issues, may provide a steadier path toward full integration.

A Better Way Forward

Given the limited demand from Unionism and the potential for nationalist division, there is no pressing need for Ireland to pursue Commonwealth membership.

A more constructive approach would be for the Irish government to amend the Constitution to guarantee that those born in Northern Ireland who identify as British can retain that citizenship permanently — an entitlement passed down to their children and grandchildren.

Such an amendment would:

• Reflect the obligations and spirit of the Good Friday Agreement

• Protect political equality for all citizens in a unified Ireland

• Prevent the disenfranchisement of Northern “British-only” citizens from Presidential elections and referendums

• Offer genuine reassurance to the Unionist community without Ireland formally rejoining the Commonwealth.

• Avoid the threat of division within the Nationalist base,  at the moment when unity of purpose is essential.

Ireland should extend support to British citizens resident in a unitary state who wish to participate in Commonwealth activities, such as the Commonwealth Games. No formal membership is required from Ireland, but respect for the British identity of the participating athletes who reside in a Ireland is clearly deliverable.  The answer to the question lies in recognition, respect & support at the individual citizen level, rather than elevating the issue to a National level.

Symbolism Isn’t Substance

Joining the Commonwealth might appear, on the surface, to be an act of reconciliation. But reconciliation built on symbolic gestures rather than legal guarantees risks being shallow and short-lived – temporary and tokenistic.

A confident, inclusive Ireland can achieve much more by entrenching citizenship rights in Bunreacht na hÉireann (the Irish Constitution) rather than by revisiting colonial-era affiliations.  For example, under the current provisions of Bunreacht na hÉireann only Irish citizens can vote for the office of President and in Referendums.  This means, in a Unitary state “British-only” citizens from the North would not able to vote even if they wanted to. We cannot repeat the mistakes of the past, as historically evidenced in Northern Ireland, where some citizens were systematically excluded from the electoral process.  Guaranteed equal treatment under the Constitution is substance, membership of the commonwealth is symbolism.

Conclusion

Ireland does not need to rejoin the British Commonwealth to build a shared future. The political risks of dividing the nationalist base far outweigh the symbolic benefits.

Instead, the path forward lies in constitutional generosity — recognising and protecting the rights of all citizens on the island, British and Irish alike.

That would represent not just compliance with the Good Friday Agreement, but a mature, forward-looking nationalism capable of embracing diversity without compromising sovereignty.

In short: A united Ireland can be a warm house for  Unionists — without rejoining the Commonwealth.

Charles Lord was born in Belfast.  He completed his BA in Business while at University in England. .He has spent most of the last 38 years in the U.S. where he currently resides. Charles has a background in both business and education, he also holds a Masters Degree in Education.  In addition to owning and operating the CelticClothing.com he taught Web Design and Digital Marketing in the western suburbs of Philadelphia where he was Department Chair of the Business Faculty for 20 years.  He follows football (soccer). He is not a member of any political parties. 

Recently (May 2025) the European Movement (Ireland) commissioned and published the results of a poll.  The poll surveyed 1,200 respondents in Ireland, both North and South.  The poll was conducted by Amárach Research on behalf of the European Movement (Ireland).  The responses to Question 7 (shown here) have been widely circulated on social media by supporters of a United Ireland as evidence of growing support for constitutional change on the island of Ireland.  These claims were swiftly followed by some with calls for a “border poll” referendum.

Unfortunately for those supporting constitutional change in Ireland,  this survey result in no way points to increasing support for Irish Unity.  The question is not even about a United Ireland.

The question reads: “Would you support an United Ireland inside the European Union?”   Clearly, if it was a United Ireland question then why the need for the last 4 words?  Why not just ask “Would you support a United Ireland?”  Why ask “Would you support a United Ireland in the EU?”

Well, that’s because it was a question about attitudes towards the EU, not a question about attitudes toward a United Ireland.  The question does not ask respondents if they would vote pro UK or pro UI in a referendum.  Indeed, the question even presupposes the outcome of the referendum by asking only about a UI (not the UK) within a European context, that is, a UI “within the EU.”  Clearly this poll is not designed to gauge public support for constitutional change,  and consequently it should not be included in any “average” polling data on the subject of a United Ireland.  LucidTalk have already confirmed as much.

We know, following the work of Enda Kenny, that the EU agreed to NI being readmitted into the EU as part of a member state (Ireland), without any negotiations being necessary.   As a result, in a United Ireland scenario, all 32 counties would be part of the EU.  This is a big deal, and to supporters of a UI it is rightly seen as a very positive step by the EU.  This question was designed to assess how the Irish people feel about that offer, not how they feel about a UI.

The European Movement (Ireland) are a body created to assess public opinion on the EU.  This is clearly stated on their website (see below), they are not an organisation that conducts surveys on a United Ireland.  All this poll tells us is that a United Ireland within the EU is preferred by 67% of the respndents in the North and 62% of respondents in the South.   So yes, the Irish people clearly like the EU offer, but that is all we can derive from this question.  It certainly is not a reflection of preferred constitutional preferences.  It goes without saying that many (if not all) unionists would vote against a UI, but if having lost the referendum & faced with a stark choice some might prefer the UI within the EU.  This question was about the EU, not about a UI.

Folks trying to force this United Ireland square peg into the round hole (pie chart) probably do not understand what they are looking at, or maybe the are simply being disingenuous and poking “the bears” for fun.  Neither is a good look.  Or maybe they were just trying to drive some traffic toward the full online report.  If you select the link it might take a minute to load but be patient, it is worth the wait.

Sin é
Go raibh mile maith agat.

The speech of Leo Varadkar to Irish-America in Philadelphia, Thursday 10th April, 2025

A chairde. Táim lán le hathas beith an seo i mBaile Grá Dreatharach inniú agus táim buíoch don dheis leabhart libh anocht.

Dear Friends. Tonight, we gather as friends of Ireland – and as dreamers and architects of its future.

Here in the city of brotherly love – where a new nation declared itself free – we are reminded that history can be made by courageous and spirited people who choose hope over fear and find new ways of moving past seemingly insurmountable obstacles.

This is my first time in this great city and I am honoured to be here.

First of all, my thanks to Ireland’s Future for organising this evening’s event.

Every generation has its great cause. I believe ours is the cause of uniting our island, working to embrace differences instead of trying to erase them. Working to build a new home where all traditions, all stories, and all our people belong. I believe building a new Ireland, a united Ireland is the political project of our generation. It belongs to no one person, no one party, no one community, and no one Government. It belongs to all of us who believe in it. As is always the case, the impetus for great change must come from the grassroots. Ireland’s Future provides a cross-party cross-community platform for people to come together.  So, thank you!

My thanks also, to all of you for attending and for your love for Ireland. Since Irish people started arriving on these shores, Ireland has been part of the story of America. And America has been part of the story of Ireland. When Pearse proclaimed the Irish Republic in front of the GPO in Dublin in 1916, he spoke about how Ireland was ‘supported by our exiled children in America’.

When the War of Independence was raging, President De Valera travelled here to seek political and financial support, speaking to massive gatherings in Madison Square Garden and Carnegie Hall in New York, fifty thousand people in Fenway Park in Boston, crowds in San Francisco, in Chicago and in Los Angeles and in Pittsburgh and here in Philadelphia. He raised $5m in bonds for the ‘American Commission on Independence’ and raised awareness of Ireland’s case for independence.

In the same way the exiled children of Ireland once built a new life here, so too can we build a new Ireland at home. A new home founded on our shared hopes, our shared responsibilities, and our shared pride in our diverse identities and traditions.

During the Troubles, one of my personal heroes, Denis Mulcahy, showed the difference one person can make. Denis, originally from Cork, became a bomb disposal expert and police officer in New York. He focused on reconciliation establishing Project Children which brought Catholic and Protestant children to America for the summer to experience peace and get to know each other away from the violence. It broke down barriers. The Washington Ireland Programme which emerged from it brought me to America for the first time twenty-five years ago to intern in Congress, one of a group of students from both North and South. Bill Clinton, as President, played a crucial role in creating the right political environment in which the Good Friday Agreement was made. London does not always pay attention to what’s happening in Ireland, North or South. But they always pay attention to the White House. This is something I learned when negotiating Brexit and I am profoundly grateful for the help we got a difficult moments from President Biden, a son of Pennsylvania.

The Good Friday Agreement has given us peace on our island, power-sharing and devolved government in Northern Ireland involving both Protestants and Catholics and closer co-operation between North and South and between Ireland and Britain. It also provides for a democratic mechanism by which Ireland can be united once a majority on both sides of the border want it. The British and Irish Governments are the co-guarantors of the Agreement and in many ways, America is the third guarantor.

And so, twenty-five years later, we ask for your support again.

Michael Collins, in signing the Anglo-Irish Treaty was clear. The Treaty, he said, ‘does not give us the ultimate freedom – not the freedom that all nations desire and develop to – but the freedom to achieve it’. He was right. It was a ‘stepping stone’. In the years that followed, the Treaty ports were returned, full sovereignty secured, a new Constitution adopted and a Republic established. Through membership of the European Union, Ireland secured its economic independence and security taking its place among the nations of Europe. Through the Good Friday Agreement, we have a settlement on how Northern Ireland should be governed and how unification might be achieved by democratic means. All stepping stones.

I firmly believe that building a new and united Ireland is the next step in our national journey and I believe that Irish-America can help us to make those next steps. While there is not yet a majority for it North of the border, support grows with every year and unification now is supported by a clear majority of younger voters.  The tectonic plates are shifting and in one direction only.

Unification, however, is not inevitable. The case has to made and it has to be worked for. It should be an ‘objective’ not just an ‘aspiration’. I have always argued against a border poll in the short term. But we should prepare for one. The Good Friday Agreement is clear that it should only happen when there is a majority for it north of the border. It is evident we are not there yet. A border poll defeated, would be divisive and could reverse momentum setting us back a generation. Australians rejected a republic in 1999 because they were offered the wrong model. No

Government has risked asking the question against since even though many were led by republican Prime Ministers. In Scotland, which rejected independence in a referendum ten years ago, a second referendum seems far off. Nearer to here, Quebec, rejected sovereignty by a whisker. The lessons are clear. Don’t do it until you are confident you can win it and make sure you have answers to all of the hard questions even if they are imperfect ones.

We should prepare.

In particular, we need to think about how a new and united Ireland would be governed, how we could merge our economies, our health services, education systems, judicial systems, policing and defence. It should not be the annexation of the North by the South but a new Ireland co-designed, as much as is practicable, by everyone who calls Ireland home. Crucial to building a majority for unification and ensuring it is a success will be
securing the place and protection of minorities on the island, in particular, the million people who identify as British, and should be accepted as such. A new and united Ireland must be a warm house for them and for all us – those of us who are Irish, those of us who are British and those of us who identify as both. There are many ways that this can be done. But that is for another night.

As you know, the Good Friday Agreement does not require that reconciliation between the two main communities should occur before a border poll takes place and I am sure there would not have been a Good Friday Agreement had this pre-condition been set. I think making it a pre-condition would be a mistake. It
could encourage some to eschew reconciliation so that they do not have to contemplate unification. However, I firmly believe that reconciliation, unity among people, is deeply desirable and is the ultimate prize. But I believe it can be worked towards and achieved as quickly in a United Ireland as has been the case in the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland is at peace but it remains a divided place with two major communities who often attend different churches, different schools, read different newspapers and play different sports. I believe this is changing and I believe community development, addressing legacy and, above all,
integrated education can accelerate that change and become the key to breaking down boundaries. For those of you involved in philanthropy and giving, I ask you to consider this priority, and I know many of you do in your support for the Ireland Funds and other charities.

I believe there is a strong economic case for unification. But even if there was not, I would still support it. The aspiration is about people never about money. It is not to ‘fumble in the greasy till add the half pence to the pence’, to quote Yeats, but do imagine a world that is ‘changed utterly’.

Nonetheless, I don’t agree that Northern Ireland will be a financial burden for long. I believe the North’s economy would grow faster as part of a new and united Ireland back in the European Union. Corporate profit taxes would fall for Northern Ireland’s business making them more competitive and attracting
more investment into the province. Pensions, welfare payments and public sector salaries would overtime, be equalised upwards, to match those in the Republic. The north-east of Ireland was once it’s economic and industrial powerhouse. It could be again.

Through the Shared Island Fund, the last Government which I led and the new one elected this year, has committed €2bn to cross- border projects including new roads, bridges, tourist and sporting infrastructure and educational projects that benefit the island as whole. The Government is already putting its money where its mouth is. I believe we should do more. We have a budget surplus much of which we are setting aside in a Future Ireland Fund to cover costs we know will arise due to our aging population, like pensions and senior care and climate action. We should set some aside, as well, to help pay for transition to a new
and united Ireland when it comes.

In politics, when things change they can change very quickly. It happened when the Berlin Wall fell resulting in a chain of events which brought down the Soviet Union. Indeed, it’s happened in the 80 days since President Trump took office and shook up decades of established alliances and trading relationships.

President Ronald Reagan reminded us that ‘America is too great for small dreams’. In Ireland, we have had enough of small dreams. We want to think big, act boldly, and shape an Ireland that matches the dreams and aspirations of our history and our people.

There are decades where nothing happens and there are weeks when decades happen. We should be prepared and I believe people want us to be. I would like to see a Forum established, on lines of the New Ireland Forum established by one of my forebears Garrett FitzGerald or the Forum for Peace and Reconcilation established by Albert Reynolds. A Forum could engage groups, political representative and civil society, who are willing to engage on these issues – issues like reconciliation, legacy and healing, issues like the reform of the existing institutions of the Good Friday Agreement to make them more sustainable, more democratic and to ensure they function better and issue like the future constitutional structure of a new Ireland. I do not think it is a radical idea. I do think it makes sense to plan. And above all, to talk and engage.

Once again, thank you for being here. Thank you for your interest and for your support.

Allow me to end with the word of Charles Stewart Parnell, a great leader once called the uncrowned king of Ireland – words etched into the base of the monument to him in Dublin’s Parnell Square: ‘No man has a right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation, no man has a right to say to his country – thus far shalt though go and no further.’

Let us be the generation that refuses to accept the limits of the past. Let us join together to build an Ireland worthy of all who love and believe in it and who call it home. Let us begin tonight.

Ar aghaidh linn le cheile

Tickets are available online here:

Mission
Ireland’s Future promotes the shared responsibility of delivering constitutional change within the framework of the Good Friday Agreement.
We support respectful political and civic dialogue that embraces everyone on our shared island.
We campaign for a new and united Ireland that will be successful and sustainable.

Objectives
Ireland’s Future is focused on the following objectives:
• To engage with the Irish Government and others on the establishment of dedicated governmental and civic structures to prepare for constitutional change.
• To enable the creation of political and civic coalitions for the advancement of a new and united Ireland.
• To contribute to debates on the constitutional future across Ireland and internationally.
• To promote detailed planning for referendums, North and South, to give people a meaningful choice on their constitutional future.

Values
Ireland’s Future is committed to working, in harmony and friendship, with people of different identities to help achieve a new and united Ireland based on the principles of inclusion, fairness and respect.
Ireland’s Future promotes processes of respectful dialogue on the constitutional future to advance national reconciliation in the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

Background
Ireland’s Future was established to advocate for, and promote, debate and discussion about Ireland’s future, including the possibility and viability of new constitutional arrangements on the Island. We are guided by the values of the Good Friday Agreement and dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights, equality and fostering mutual respect between all views and traditions that share this island.

Brexit has dramatically changed the social and political dynamic on this island. The prospect of a new constitutional arrangement on the island of Ireland is growing. We believe that new constitutional arrangements have the potential to mitigate the most negative impacts of Brexit and address the aforementioned promotion and protection of human rights, equality and the fostering of mutual respect. We are not a political party and are not affiliated to any political party.

We welcome participation from people from all political persuasions interested in furthering the goals of Ireland’s Future. Ireland’s Future also notes that any move to new constitutional arrangements requires serious thought, consideration and planning. We believe that the requisite planning for these potential changes must be broad, inclusive, detailed and comprehensive.

Constitutional change must be on the basis of the consent of citizens of the island of Ireland, as informed by the Good Friday Agreement.

Tickets are  available online here: